zaterdag 18 april 2009

Verhuisde wegens Verhuis

.
Deze blog is (voorlopig althans) opgegeven.

We zijn verhuisd naar de blog:

NIETZSCHE's BASTAARD

op http://banneling.wordpress.com/

Misschien komt het tot een werkverdeling tussen beide blogs,
maar de combinatie ernst, satire & poëzie
blijkt niet langer houdbaar.

donderdag 16 april 2009

= = CHATTERTON by Henry Wallis (1856) = =

.
============
Dit is meteen ook het einde van deze blog.
.

woensdag 15 april 2009

. . . . . . . I start my Summer Sleep . . . . . .

.
Ik las in mijn kwaliteitskrant
(die "gebeten is om te weten")
over de long van een Rus
waarin een sparrenboompje van 5 cm. groeit,
dat 3 op 1 miljoen Senseo's kunnen "ontploffen",
over de "ellende" van de luxerestauranthouder
van het Kasteel Het Witlof in Brasschaat,
dat Tine Van Rompuy gezichtscrème van Vichy gebruikt
en dat de gokchinees al 4 jaar niet meer in België is geweest.
Dat voor hooguit 100 eurocent.
Dag Allemaal! Als je maar Flair hebt!

Het café achter mij verzachtte gelukkig
mijn zeden en leden
met "Sweet Caroline" van Neil Diamond.


I've got enough to take a long breath!
These are Perfect Days to kill People's SuperEgo!
See you on the Night of September 28th!

With thanks to Caroline Kennedy

.

maandag 13 april 2009

Pessoa's Liefdesbrieven

.


Toutes les lettres d'amour…


Toutes les lettres d'amour sont
Ridicules.
Ce ne seraient pas des lettres d'amour
Si elles n'étaient pas
Ridicules.
Moi aussi, dans le temps, j'en ai écrit;
Elles étaient, comme les autres,
Ridicules.
Les lettres d'amour, si l'amour existe,
Doivent être
Ridicules.
Mais, au bout du compte,
Ce sont les gens qui n'écrivent jamais
De lettres d'amour
Qui sont
Ridicules.
Comme je voudrais revenir au temps
Où j'écrivais,
Sans m'en rendre compte,
Des lettres d'amour
Ridicules.
La vérité est qu'aujourd'hui
Ce sont mes souvenirs
De ces lettres d'amour
Qui sont
Ridicules.
[Tous les mots excessifs,
Tous les sentiments excessifs,
Sont, bien sûr,
Ridicules.]

21 octobre 1935
[Publié sous l'hétéronyme d'Alvaro de Campos]



Todas as cartas de amor...


Todas as cartas de amor são
Ridículas.
Não seriam cartas de amor se não fossem
Ridículas.
Também escrevi em meu tempo cartas de amor,
Como as outras,
Ridículas.
As cartas de amor, se há amor,
Têm de ser
Ridículas.
Mas, afinal,
Só as criaturas que nunca escreveram
Cartas de amor
É que são
Ridículas.
Quem me dera no tempo em que escrevia
Sem dar por isso
Cartas de amor
Ridículas.
A verdade é que hoje
As minhas memórias
Dessas cartas de amor
É que são
Ridículas.
[Todas as palavras esdrúxulas,
Como os sentimentos esdrúxulos,
São naturalmente
Ridículas.]

Álvaro de Campos, 21.10.1935


...كُلُّ رسائلِ الْحُبِّ

فِرْناَنْدوُ پِصُوا
َّ
كُلُّ رسائلِ
الْحُبِّمَدْعاَةٌ
لِلسُّخْرِيَّةِ.لن
تكونَ رسائلَ
حبٍّ لَوْ لَمْ تَكُنْمَدْعاَةً
لِلسُّخْرِيَّةِ
.□ □ □
أنا أيضاً،
آنذاكَ، كتبتُها
؛وكانتْ،
كَالْأُخْرَياتِ،مَدْعاَةً
لِلسُّخْرِيَّةِ.
□ □ □
رَساَئِلُ الْحُبِّ،
إِنْ كانَ ثَمَّةَ
مِنْ حُبٍّيَنْبَغيِ
أَنْ تَكوُنَمَدْعاَة
ً لِلسُّخْرِيَّةِ.
□ □ □
لَكِنْ فيِ آخِرِ
الْمَطافِفَالناَّسُ
الَّذيِنَ لا
َ يَكْتُبوُنَ
أبداًرَساَئِلَ
حُبٍّهُمُ الَّذيِنَ
يَكوُنوُنَمَدْعاَة
ً لِلسُّخْرِيَّةِ.
□ □ □
كَمْ أَوَدُّ الْعَوْدَة
َ لِزَمَنٍكُنْتُ
أَكْتُبُ فيِهِدوُنَ
التَّنَبُّهِ لِذَلِكَرَساَئِلَ
حُبٍّمَدْعاَةً لِلسُّخْرِيَّةِ.
□ □ □
أَلْحَقيِقَةُ
الْيَوْمَأَنَّ ذِكْرَياَتيِحَوْلَ
رَساَئِلِ الْحُبِّ هاَتِهِما
َ هِيَ إِلاَّمَدْعاَةٌ
لِلسُّخْرِيَّةِ.
□ □ □
[كُلُّ الْكَلِماَتِ
الْمُغاَلِيَّةِكُلُّ
الْأَحاَسيِسِ
الْمُغاَلِيَّةِبِطَبيِعَةِ
الْحاَلِمَدْعاَةٌ لِلسُّخْرِيَّةِ.]
1935.10.21
[أَلْڤاَروُ ديِ كاَمْپوُّسْ ]
.

...... Woman is the Nigger of the World ......

.
ze stopt wat pas geboren is
vol met methylfenidaat
en met wat op verse yoghurt lijkt
bindt met koperdraad
het wicht zijn stembanden klem
stuurt hem en haar naar het scoutskamp

ze trapt zowaar spinnen dood

en nog is ze niet voldaan
ze gaat al wat niet rein en zuiver is
te lijf met bleekwater en azijn
tussen badkamer en keuken
vierendeelt ze een triootje pedofielen
en geeft by the way ook nog de kat
een trap onder d'r gat

steeds is ze in de weer


= = = = = = = = = aardbeving = = = = = = =

.
deze tijd die ons rest
woorden nu nog splijtbaar zijn
uit hun merg fris gezang opdwarrelt
sneeuw de kinderen bedwelmt

ouders doodgeboren worden
en neervallen als rotte koninkrijken

ik verder niets te zeggen heb
maar luister als een veulen
naar wat onzichtbaar is

de velden die over de horizon reiken
nog niet in halfronden zijn verdeeld
met scherpe randen en hoektanden

o wee
de Somalische kust
die niet langer blauw oogt
maar van gif en Antwerps afval
is vergaan

nog een paar jaar
cowboy en indiaantje spelen
klimmen in hoge bomen

nu moeder op weg is naar het dorp
voor een paar schamele
schellen kaas en hesp

de bronstige lucht
maakt de aarde zacht en warm
ik zorgeloos droom

tot de aarde beeft
en de goden geniepig
de benen nemen

ik mezelf niet meer herken
noch in mij noch in haar
en zeker niet in de toren
die nog rechtop staat

[13/04/2009]

. . . . . . . . . . . turquoise . . . . . . . . . .

.
Sarko
saw the flowers
peeping through

what's your opinion,
my beloved Carla?

all these turkish women
stampeding the Euro-
pean killing fields
eating our dotted
Easter eggs

but mister president
these females are not turkish
don't you see
they aren't old and fat
that one there
for instance
(watch your steps, poor Nicolas)
is not turkish

she is turquoise

.

~~~~~ The Devils in these Easter Days ~~~~~

.

We took no Last Supper on Thursday,
We did not hang on a cross on Friday,
We did not gave up the ghost around 3 p.m.,
We did not hide on a silent Saturday,
We were not resurrected on Sunday,
and
We don't have to wait 40 days to ascend to heaven.

So these days,
Nothing happens,
All That Is Solid Melts into Air
.

vrijdag 10 april 2009

Hypocrite lecteur

.

Hypocrite lecteur, - mon semblable, mon frère!
[Charles Baudelaire, Les Fleurs du Mal]

Zarathoestra's gedachte van de eeuwige terugkeer
en de gedachte die op het oorkussen opkomt
"Nog een klein kwartiertje blijven liggen"
zijn complementair.
[Walter Benjamin, Zentralpark]

donderdag 9 april 2009

Het Ultieme Einde van de Mensheid

.
ZAK, krant "De Morgen", the day before today (aka The Last Day)

7 juni: Slaap tot 13 uur!

.
De Grondwet voorziet niet dat maskers, foto’s of tv-beelden zich kandidaat kunnen stellen voor verkiezingen. Wat voor zin heeft het dan te gaan stemmen als die mensen die zich "politici" durven noemen, niemand meer vertegenwoordigen en dus volgens de Grondwet ook geen volksvertegenwoordigers zijn; als dat Parlement alleen dient om het namiddagprogramma van de VRT te vullen met volksvermaak, Koekelbergse intriges, afgevoerde circusacts en dwaasheden allerhande.

Ga gewoon niet stemmen. Je leeft maar één keer en je verplaatsen om een half uur als een idioot in de rij te staan wanneer buiten de zon zal schijnen en de bloemen zullen bloeien, is "sociaal" én "economisch" én "ecologisch" onverantwoord. En blanco of ongeldig stemmen is laf!

Laat ze zien dat ze je energieverbruik niet verdienen.

De Oorlog tegen de Jeugd in een Nieuwe Fase

.
In de Oorlog tegen de Jeugd wordt links en rechts een tandje bijgestoken.
Nu willen beleidsmakers je de toegang tot het voetpad verbieden als je het riskeert met een mp3-speler de straat op te gaan. Voor één keer krijgt Yves Desmet van De Morgen van mij een dikke 10 op 10.

[De Morgen, "De Gedachte", 9 april 2009]

Standpunt
Mp3

Welke onverlaat beweerde daar ook alweer dat de Wetstraat in een diepe lethargie van non-activiteit gedompeld is, in afwachting van de verkiezingen?

Gelukkig zijn er nog regeringsleden die niet op een inspanning meer of minder kijken om dat lasterlijke verhaal de wereld uit te helpen. Zo overweegt staatssecretaris voor Mobiliteit Etienne Schouppe een verbod voor voetgangers en fietsers om een mp3-speler te dragen in het verkeer. Hij heeft daarover een studie besteld.

"Ik sta niet te trappelen van ongeduld om weer een nieuw regeltje uit te vaardigen", zegt Schouppe, maar ja, "verschillende parlementsleden én verkeersdeskundigen zeggen dat zo'n verbod nodig is omdat mp3's een mogelijke bron zijn van ongelukken."Wat doe je dan als verantwoordelijk politicus, geconfronteerd met zo'n spontane uitbraak van bezorgdheid en maatschappelijke betrokkenheid?

Want laten we eerlijk zijn, de maatschappelijke impact van het probleem kan niet overschat worden. Werkelijk dagelijks staan de krantenpagina's vol met verhalen van mensen die aan hun einde zijn gekomen door op het voetpad iets te luid U2, Laura Lynn of K3 door hun oordopjes te laten schallen. Een betrokken politicus neemt dan zijn verantwoordelijkheid.

Niet alleen dient de staatssecretaris ten volle aangemoedigd te worden met dit initiatief, eigenlijk verdient het nog uitbreiding. Dient er ook niet dringend een onderzoek uitgevoerd naar de toelaatbaarheid van winterpetten met oorkleppen, om maar iets te noemen. Ook daar ziet men kouwelijke medemensen soms totaal onverantwoorde risico's mee nemen, omdat zij al evenmin omgevingsgeluiden kunnen waarnemen.

Zouden bejaarden met een hoorapparaat niet eerst een attest van degelijke werking dienen voor te leggen aan de wijkagent, alvorens zich voor hun boodschappen op pad te begeven? Een verantwoordelijk politicus kan immers niet voorzichtig genoeg zijn.

Bovendien kan ook het anticrisiskarakter van dit voornemen moeilijk onderschat worden, denk maar aan de duizenden nieuwe stadswachten die in dienst zullen moeten worden genomen om de eventuele maatregel te controleren en af te dwingen.

En dan lopen er nog criticasters rond die durven te beweren dat dit land niet bestuurd wordt.

Yves Desmet, Politiek commentator

En natuurlijk verschieten die nieuwe fascisten dan dat hun ruiten worden ingegooid, dat ze met een karabijn beschoten worden of dat jonge snaken betonnen palen van spoorwegbruggen gooien.

old friends never die

.

SPYTRASH

SPYTRASH

cartoon Kevin Siers

er is in de States in zekere kringen nogal wat te doen om deze m.i. bijzonder lelijke cartoon van Kevin Siers, die werkt voor een 50 tal magazines. maar ja, wat wil je? Siers doet maar wat veel belangrijkere mensen voor hem hebben gearrangeerd.

woensdag 8 april 2009

brothers and sisters

.
brothers and sisters
that so easily forgot all the forbidden games
they played some ten years ago
when they still were truly innocent

the one goes to the left
the other to the right

the one goes upstairs
the other dies in the cellar
it is said they started a quarrel
over some silly heritage

and now they send each other christmas cards
and more exceptionally
a box of cheap Belgian chocolates

so do my desiring thoughts

one got lost in a oneway street in Zagreb
and one thinks she's smashing
the windows of the Royal Bank of Schotland

in Edinburgh

in the morming of the full moon
she ate too many strawberries
she could not name her brother

who was flirting with some receptionist
at the Zaventem airport check-in desk

and when on some terrace of the Ramblas
I read the frontpage of The Guardian
pictures of nude models put me under house arrest
who is the one that succeeds to escape
and fly to Lebanon?

sitting before my window
I walk the streets of Shanghai
- and sleeping in my bed
I cultivate seeds in the International Space Station

two policemen ask my identity card
but I have to confess
I sold it for an iPod to some faceless stranger
with a Polish accent

yes, they say, if one wins
another has to lose
I agree and finish my beer
maybe you are both winners
but you do not understand
the song of the birds

that's right sir
please, accept our apologies
indeed
we better check the parking meters

[8th of April 2009]

News from Julian Jaynes

.


Dear Members and Friends of the Julian Jaynes Society,
Here is all the latest news...

Newsletter
The Spring 2009 edition of The Jaynesian
(the newsletter of the Julian Jaynes Society)
is now available:
http://www.julianjaynes.org/pdf/jaynesian_volume3_issue1.pdf
Included in this issue:
- New Evidence for Jaynes's Neurological Model: A Research Update by Marcel Kuijsten
- Book Review: Consciousness, Self-Consciousness, and the Science of Being Human
- Abstracts from the UPEI Julian Jaynes Conference on Consciousness
- Essay: "Reflections on the Julian Jaynes Conference on Consciousness" by Maura Moore
Please feel free to download it, print it, and share it with your friends and colleagues.
We are currently accepting submissions for the next issue as well as for the Member's Area.

Conferences
Stefan Pernar of Singapore will be speaking on "The Emergence of Gods in the Bicameral Mind" at the 2009 Toward A Science of Consciousness Conference in Hong Kong in June. Leiden University philosophy professor Jan Sleutels, whose essay "Greek Zombies" appears in Reflections on the Dawn of Consciousness, will also be speaking on recent changes in human consciousness.

"Reflections on the Dawn of Consciousness"
Our new book on Julian Jaynes's theory has now been sent to readers in 27 countries. It has been purchased by numerous libraries, including Harvard University.
For those of you in the United Kingdom and Europe who have not yet purchased a copy, now is a good time to take advantage of the weak dollar. For Euros it is equivalent to getting the book at a 25% discount; for British pounds, more than a 30% discount. This offsets the cost of international shipping.
To order the book, go to: www.julianjaynes.org/book

Member's Area
Don't forget to log in to the Member's Area to see all of the recent updates www.julianjaynes.org.

Sincerely,
Marcel Kuijsten
Executive Director
Julian Jaynes Society
http://www.julianjaynes.org/

One of my Idols when I was a Kid: Nasser

.
[wikepedia]

Gamal Abdel Nasser

2nd President of Egypt
1st President of the United Arab Republic
In office 16 January 1956September 28, 1970
Vice President Anwar Sadat
Preceded by Muhammad Naguib
Succeeded by Anwar Sadat

2nd Secretary General of Non-Aligned Movement
In office October 10, 1964September 10, 1970
Preceded by Josip Broz Tito
Succeeded by Kenneth Kaunda

Born January 15, 1918(1918-01-15) Alexandria, Egypt
Died September 28, 1970 (aged 52)Cairo, United Arab Republic

Nationality Egyptian

Political party Arab Socialist Union

Spouse Tahia Kazem

Religion Sunni Islam

Gamal Abdel Nasser (Arabic: جمال عبد الناصر‎; Gamāl or Jamāl ‘Abd an-Nāṣir; - January 15, 1918September 28, 1970) was the second President of Egypt from 1956 until his death in 1970. Along with Muhammad Naguib, he led the Egyptian Revolution of 1952, which removed King Farouk I and heralded a new period of industrialization in Egypt, together with a profound advancement of Arab nationalism, including a short-lived union with Syria. Nasser inspired anti-colonial and pan-Arab revolutions in Algeria, Libya, Iraq and Yemen, and played a major role in founding the Palestine Liberation Organization, in 1964, and the international Non-Aligned Movement.

Nasser is seen as one of the most important political figures in both modern Arab history and Developing World politics of the Twentieth Century. He is well-known for his nationalist policies and version of pan-Arabism, also referred to as Nasserism, which won a great following in the Arab World during the 1950s and 1960s. Although his status as "leader of the Arabs" was severely tarnished by the Israeli victory over the Arab armies in the Six Day War, many in the general Arab populace still view Nasser as a symbol of Arab dignity and freedom.

Contents
1 Early life
1.1 Birth and childhood
1.2 Military academy
1.3 Second World War
2 Revolution
3 Conflict with Naguib
4 Leader of Egypt
5 Domestic policy
5.1 The new constitution
5.2 Growing opposition
5.3 Economy
5.3.1 Land reform
5.3.2 Foreign ownership
6 Foreign policy
6.1 Relationship with the Soviet Union
6.2 Suez Canal
6.3 Arab leader
6.4 Yemen War and Six Day War
7 Resignation and aftermath
8 Death and funeral
9 Legacy
9.1 Nasserism
9.2 Aswan Dam
10 Family
11 Honors
12 See also
13 References
14 Notes
15 Writings
16 External links

Early life: Birth and childhood

Gamal Abdel Nasser was born in Alexandria[1], the son of Abdel Nasser Hussein, a postal worker from the fellahin town of Beni Mur near the city of Asyut in southern Egypt. Nasser's mother, Fahima Hamad, died in 1926 when Nasser was eight years of age. At the time of his mother's death, Nasser was living with his paternal uncle, Khalil Hussein, in Cairo and was unaware that she had died and did not attend her funeral. It is unknown why Nasser was in Cairo. According to biographer Said Aburish, Nasser's parents "saw a special spark in him and decided to send him to the big city and a better school". Nasser's father remarried and had seven more children. After finishing three years in Beni Mur's Qur'anic school, Nasser, now eleven years of age, attended the Ras-al-Tin, Nahaseen and an al-Nahda secondary schools in Alexandria.[2]
While a student, Nasser was wounded during a demonstration, in which several students tried to cross the al-Roda Bridge in Cairo. Afterwards, he was arrested and detained for two days.[3][4]

Military academy
Nasser’s political involvement lasted throughout his school career, and became such a dominant part of his life that during his last year of secondary school, Nasser “spent only forty-five days actually in school”.[5] During that same period, 1935-1936, Nasser was elected chairman of a committee of Cairo secondary school students interested in Egyptian political reform.[6] Then, in March 1937, Nasser was admitted to the Egyptian Military Academy and, temporarily, abandoned his political activities in favor of studying to become an army officer. It was at the military college that he met Abdel Hakim Amer and Anwar Sadat, two of his important aides during his presidency. His first military post was in the town of Mankabad, near his native Beni Mur. According to Sadat, "the first whisperings of military unhappiness with the state and the willingness the monarchy [of King Farouk] began."[3]

Second World War
In 1939, shortly after graduating and being commissioned in the army, Nasser and a friend volunteered to serve in Sudan (which was united with Egypt at the time) where they arrived shortly before the outbreak of World War II.[7] During the war, Nasser and Anwar Sadat, another friend and political ally, established contact with agents of the Axis powers, particularly several Italians, and planned a coup to coincide with an Italian offensive that would expel the British forces from Egypt. The plan, however, was never executed.[8] During the war, Nasser also began forming a group of other young military officers with strong Egyptian nationalist feelings who supported some form of revolution.[9]

As Egypt remained officially neutral until long after the Axis defeat at the Battle of El Alamein, the Egyptian military did not participate in the war. Nasser's first experience on the battlefield was in Palestine during the 1948 Arab-Israeli War, when Egyptian forces secured the area known as the Falluja Pocket. After the war, Nasser gained a post as an instructor at the Royal Military Academy in Cairo.[10] For the next several years, he worked to organize his group of other reform minded officers and recruit new members. After 1949, this group adopted the name “Free Officers”,[11] and “talked of... freedom and the restoration of their country’s dignity”.[12]

Revolution
By 1952, "Egypt was ripe for revolution."[13] Nasser and the Free Officers seized on this situation to launch the revolution they had long sought on July 23, 1952. That day the Free Officers seized control of all government buildings, radio stations, police stations, and the army headquarters in Cairo. The coup installed General Muhammad Naguib, a hero from the 1948 Arab-Israeli War, as President. In an important move, the newly installed government immediately assured Britain that it would respect British citizens and property in Egypt, greatly diminishing the possibility of intervention against the coup.[14] Nasser and his fellow revolutionaries also gave in to American pressure by allowing the deposed King Farouk and his family to “leave Egypt unharmed and ‘with honour’”.[15]
After assuming power, Nasser and the Free Officers were not interested in undertaking the day to day administration of the Egyptian government. Thus, the Free Officers passed power to Ali Maher, a long-time political insider, whom they appointed as Prime Minister. The Free Officers then formed the Egyptian Revolutionary Command Council, which constituted the real power in Egypt, with Naguib as chairman and Nasser as vice-chairman.[16] However, the Revolutionary Council actually had strong ideological notions, and Maher was forced to resign on September 7, 1952 because he refused to support agrarian reform laws proposed by the Council. At that time, Naguib assumed full leadership as the new Prime Minister.[17]

Conflict with Naguib
In June 1953, with land reform fully underway, Naguib announced the official abolition of the Egyptian monarchy and proclaimed himself President of the Republic of Egypt. After the establishment of the republic, Naguib and Nasser began to come into conflict with each other. These troubles culminated in Naguib’s resignation on February 23, 1954 from his posts as both President and Prime Minister.[18] The Revolutionary Command Council then “joyfully...proclaimed Nasser as Prime Minister”;[19] however, they selected no President at that time. Next, the Revolutionary Command Council placed Naguib under house arrest, hoping to prevent any chance that he would return to power.[20]
The Revolutionary Command Council had overstepped its popular support in dealing with Naguib, and large numbers of citizens joined protests demanding that he be reinstated.[21] As a result of these demonstrations, a sizable group within the Revolutionary Command Council demanded that Nasser allow Naguib to return to the Presidency and then hold free elections to select a new President and Prime Minister. Nasser was forced to agree and Naguib reassumed the Presidency. Several days later, Nasser was forced to resign as Prime Minister in favor of Naguib, effectively destroying all progress that Nasser had made towards leadership.[22]

Leader of Egypt
Although it gave him no permanent position, Nasser did use his brief time as Prime Minister to “purge... pro-Naguib elements in the army”,[23] and over the next eight months he gradually forced Naguib from power. Finally, in October 1954, Nasser formally removed Naguib from power and established himself as the effective leader of Egypt. Nasser remained in power over Egypt for the next fifteen years with no major domestic challenges to his power.[24]
Nasser's place in the Egyptian national consciousness was secured following the failed assassination attempt of October 26, 1954 and his own defiant response in the immediate aftermath. During a speech in Manshia Square, Alexandria, a volley of shots rang out. Unharmed, Nasser was heard shouting his defiance over the screams of the crowd. This event provided the final pretext for the removal of Naguib on the grounds of his supposed collaboration with the Muslim Brotherhood who were accused of the failed attempt. In the immediate aftermath numerous members of the Brotherhood were rounded up, Mahmoud Abdul Latif was found guilty of the attempt and the Brotherhood was, to all intents and purposes, crushed. There have subsequently been claims that the whole event was stage managed by Nasser and his supporters. Claims say that Nasser put Naguib under house arrest for years as he doubted Naguib's loyalty to him and his supporters. As he also had doubts about Naguib taking sides with the British military and against Nasser, Naguib continued under house arrest through the first years of Sadat's rule but was released by the end of Sadat's rule.

Domestic policy
The new constitution
The story of Egypt's new constitution confirmed this view. The new charter announced on January 16 was the government's second attempt to replace arbitrary rule with constitutional government. A previous draft constitution, which had been framed by a commission of distinguished jurists and other experts, was rejected by the government. The substitute version published in January greatly strengthened the powers of the President of the Republic at the expense of the Legislature. Accordingly, the chief executive is to be elected for a period of six years and may be re-elected. He is to be nominated by a simple majority vote of the National Assembly and elected by a plebiscite. As part of his executive power, he is given the right to dissolve the Assembly, as well as to propose, approve, and veto new laws. His veto may be over-ridden by a two-thirds vote of the Legislature.
The new constitution envisages free democratic elections. However, the old political parties have been dissolved and the formation of new ones is prohibited. Candidates for the first five-year term of the National Assembly were chosen exclusively from the lists of the single party, the Liberation Rally, now called the National Union, which is controlled by President Nasser's men. The constitution nominally protects the citizen from arbitrary arrest, but in 1956 the Minister of the Interior was given the power for a 10-year period to arrest anybody charged with counter-revolutionary activity and to order his confinement at administrative discretion. The rights of free speech and free press are guaranteed under the new charter and, on June 19, Nasser announced that the state of martial law which had been imposed at the beginning of the revolution was ended and that press censorship would be lifted. However, Egyptian publications continue to be tightly controlled by the government. Press cables sent abroad must pass the censorship office and are screened for unfavorable news. The new Egyptian constitution in its preamble proclaims as its objectives "the eradication of imperialism, the extinction of feudalism, the destruction of capitalistic influence, and the establishment of a strong national army, of social justice, and of a sound democratic society." It declares Egypt to be a sovereign Arab state with Islam as its religion and Arabic as the official language of the country.
On June 24, a plebiscite was held to ratify the new constitution and was overwhelmingly approved. Of a population of almost 22,000,000, a total of 5,697,467 persons registered and 5,488,225 or 99.8 per cent voted in favor of the new charter. Only 10,045 voted "No". At the same time, Premier Nasser was elected president by a still greater majority. He received 5,496,965 ballots or 99.9 per cent of the total vote. Those who marked their ballots with a red circle approved Premier Nasser's election to the Presidency of the Republic. A new election law, promulgated in March, made voting compulsory for all men and gave to the Egyptian women their option of voting. However, only 150,000 Egyptian women voted.
A few days later, after his election as president, Nasser reshuffled his cabinet and replaced several military members with civilians. On this occasion, he bestowed on eight of his military associates the Grand Cordon of the Order of the Nile, Egypt's highest decoration.

Growing opposition
The opposition to Nasser's regime inside Egypt was high during the period from 1962-1967. The economic decline under Nasser's last years as well as the suppression of the opposition increased his unpopularity between the educated class and the Al-Azhar University religious scholars. Two of the Al-Azhar Grand Imams were forced to resign because of their opposition to the regime. In 1961, Nasser issued a new Al-Azhar Law, limiting the power of the Al-Azhar Imams and giving the government power to appoint the Grand Imam instead of having him elected by the Al-Azhar scholars.
In 1969, after a group of reformers and critics of the regime’s authoritarianism won an election for the board of the Egyptian Judges Club, the direct challenge posed by the vocal judicial leadership proved intolerable to the Nasser regime. Nasser responded with a series of measures subsequently referred to as the “massacre of the judiciary,” including the dismissal of over a hundred sitting judges [5].

Economy
The Egyptian economy was dominated by private capital until the revolution of 1952, which replaced the monarchy with a republic. The new government began to reorganize the economy along socialist lines in the late 1950s. The state played an increasing role in economic development through its management of the agricultural sector after the land reforms of 1952 and 1961. These reforms limited the amount of land an individual or family could own. In the early 1960s the government nationalized much of the industrial, financial, and commercial sectors of the economy.
Egyptian industry progressed very much during Nasser's rule. Capital Investment in industry and mining increased considerably. The National Production Council allocated the equivalent of $36,700,000 in 1954-1955 and $55,100,000 in 1955-1956 for developing electric power, industry, and mining. Private local investment, as reported by the Federation of Egyptian Industries, rose from $8,500,000 in 1953 to $18,000,000 in 1954. Foreign investment amounted to $2,000,000 in 1954, including $1,800,000 in the petroleum industry.
There was also considerable growth in industrial production. Electricity consumption increased from 978,000,000 kW in 1952 to 1,339,000,000 kW in 1954. The cotton yarn output increased from 49,200 to 64,400 tons, and cotton fabric output increased from 157,800,000 meters to 240,900,000 meters. Cement production reached a new high of almost 1,500,000 tons.
In the 1950s, Several important power projects were under construction. Their total ultimate cost had been estimated at $166,000,000. The Talkha station had a capacity of 42,500 kW and supplied electricity to the Northern Nile region. The Northern Cairo station operated at a capacity of 60,000 kW. The Southern Cairo station, was planned to have a capacity of 120,000 kW. A thermal plant at El Tabinne was also planned, with a capacity of 45,000 kW used gases released from the projected steel factory of Helwan. Ongoing construction on the proposed Aswan Dam hydroelectric project aiming at a capacity of 345,000 kW which would supply energy to a nitrogen fertilizer plant. This plant, was to be a major source of artificial fertilizer for Egyptian agriculture and was supposed to produce 370,000 tons of nitrate annually by 1960.
On the other hand, construction of the giant steel mill at Helwan, 20 miles (32 km) south of Cairo, was proceeding very slowly. It was supposed to have an initial output capacity of 220,000 tons of steel. The plant was scheduled to start operation in 1957, but construction work had been lagging behind considerably because of engineering difficulties in the location chosen.
Egypt's petroleum refining industry produced approximately 2,203,000 tons in refined products in 1956, but Egyptian domestic consumption amounted to 3,410,000 tons. There had been reports of new petroleum reserves discovered in the Sinai Peninsula and in the Suez desert at that period.
In 1955, the country had a large deficit in its foreign trade balance, amounting to $126,000,000 as compared to $63,000,000 in the preceding year. As a result of this unfavorable trade balance, Egypt's gold and currency reserves dwindled rapidly, falling from $732,000,000 in 1954 to $594,000,000 in August 1956. The blocking of Egypt's sterling accounts abroad, after Nasser's seizure of the Suez Canal, aggravated the currency situation. In 1955, Egypt's balance of payments showed a deficit of $95,200,000. However, during the first half of 1956, Egypt increased its exports to $255,000,000 as compared to $186,000,000 during the corresponding period of 1955 and accordingly reduced its deficit to $40,880,000 as compared with $51,530,000 in 1955.
Egypt continued to spend lavishly on the modernization of its armed forces. The Egyptian budget for the year 1955-1956 foresaw an outlay of £75,400,000 ($216,000,000) for defense as compared to £53,000,000 ($152,000,000) in 1954-1955. The Egyptian army of 200,000 had 50,000 first class combat troops.

Land reform
Financial hurdles have considerably delayed the progress of the much publicized land reform which was the cornerstone of President Nasser's social program. The land reform as promulgated by the Revolutionary Command Council in 1952 proposed two basic steps to improve the lot of the Egyptian peasant:
dramatic reduction of agricultural rents
expropriation of all landed property-holdings above 200 feddâns (1 feddân = 1.038 acres)
By the end of 1955, of the total of 567,000 feddâns subject to sequestration, 415,000 feddâns had been expropriated by the government. However, only a part of this land has been distributed among the small landholders, and the government held most of the expropriated land. By the end of the year 1955, 261,000 feddâns had been reallocated from the government reserve. In addition, 92,000 feddâns had been sold by large to small landowners just prior to the requisition. The government was attempting to organize the beneficiaries of this plan in cooperatives and also to continue the maintenance of the existing irrigation and drainage systems. The land reform of the revolutionary government had undoubtedly benefited the Egyptian peasantry. An Egyptian government source estimated that the new farmers had doubled their incomes, and that setting a limit on rents has reduced the total amount of land rent by $196,000,000."

Foreign ownership
Between 1955 and 1957, the Egyptian government under Nasser nationalized all foreign-owned banks and insurance companies as well as a string of foreign-owned manufacturing companies and forced all foreign agencies and representations to move to Egyptian ownership.[25] The moves decimated the foreign community in Egypt, with the Greek population of Alexandria in particular plummeting from its prewar high of over 100,000 to only several thousand.[25]

Foreign policy
Relationship with the Soviet Union
The Suez Crisis also drove Egypt into a closer relationship with the Soviet Union.[26] As a part of this new relationship, the Soviets agreed to provide approximately one-third of the cost of the Aswan High Dam and provided four hundred technicians to aid in the construction.[27] Construction of the dam began on January 1, 1960[28] and was completed in 1970. Its reservoir was named Lake Nasser, honoring Nasser. As it was hoped, the dam was able to produce substantial electric power, 2.1 gigawatts, and is still standing today.[27] During his official visit to Egypt on May 9-26, 1964, Nikita Khrushchev awarded Nasser the title of the Hero of the Soviet Union and the Order of Lenin.[29]
Like many other Arab nationalist leaders, Nasser was a strong proponent of Arab Socialism, and his economic policies were characterized by a centrally planned economy, state subsidies, and state ownership of businesses. By 1962, this had led to a minimum 51% government ownership of virtually all Egyptian business.[30] However, despite his close relationship with the Soviet Union, Nasser was a fierce opponent of Communism within the Arab World itself. He saw atheistic Communism as a threat to the traditional Islamic and Christian values of the Arab World and jailed thousands of Egyptian Communists during his presidency.[31] Nasser's campaign against Arab Communists periodically caused tensions with the Soviet Union, yet even after Egypt's defeat in the Six Day War of 1967, after which thousands of Soviet military advisors were stationed in Egypt at Nasser's request, he never relented on his stance, a policy actively continued by his successor Anwar Al-Sadat.

Suez Canal
Shortly before his full assumption of power, Nasser signed an agreement with Britain that provided for the withdrawal of all British uniformed military personnel from the Suez Canal Zone, although a small civilian force was allowed to temporarily remain. This agreement finally gave Egypt true full independence and ended tensions between Britain and Egypt.[32] Shortly after the treaty with the British, Nasser won $40 million in combined financial aid for economic development from the British and Americans.[33]
The next year, 1955, the United States promised fifty-six million dollars, along with two-hundred million dollars through the World Bank, to aid in financing the construction of the Aswan High Dam[34] [1], which Nasser and his allies had begun planning shortly after the revolution. The planned dam would create the largest man-made lake in the world, generate electric power for much of Egypt, provide water for irrigation, and control flooding along the Nile River.[35] In September 1955 Nasser shocked the West by signing an arms deal with the Eastern bloc country Czechoslovakia. Consequently, in July 1956, the Western Powers retracted their financial offers, forcing Nasser to search for alternate methods to finance the dam.[36] On July 26, as part of a plan to raise money for the dam, Nasser announced the nationalization of the Suez Canal.[37]
Nasser realized that the nationalization of the canal would provoke a strong reaction from the West, especially Britain and France that had major shareholdings of the Suez Canal. However, Nasser believed that Britain would not be able to intervene militarily for at least two months after the announcement, and dismissed Israeli action as “impossible”.[38] In early October, the United Nations Security Council met on the matter of the Suez Canal and adopted a resolution recognizing Egypt’s right to control the canal as long as it continued to allow passage through it for foreign ships.[39] After this agreement, “Nasser estimated that the danger of invasion had dropped to 10 per cent”.[40]
France approached Israel and Britain secretly with a plan to gain control over the Suez canal. Under the plan the Israelis, citing as their casus belli the Egyptian-sponsored fedayeen attacks against Israel, were to invade the Sinai Peninsula and approach the Canal, at which point British and French forces were to seize the Canal on the pretext of protecting it from the fighting. Consequently, Israeli forces invaded the Sinai on October 29, and on October 31, a joint force from Britain and France entered the Canal Zone. U.S. President Dwight D. Eisenhower, however, was enraged by this secret plan he was not aware of, and the American government urged the three nations to withdraw their forces. On November 5, 1956, the Soviet Union issued an ultimatum demanding the withdrawal of all-foreign forces from Egypt. Britain, France, and Israel complied, after Britain was forced "into a corner" by the United States threat of destabilizing the British economy and gradually removed their forces, ending what became known as the Suez Crisis.[37] Nasser was perceived as the hero and winner, this heightened his status as the leader of the Arab world.

Arab leader
With his rhetoric and the Suez success, Nasser developed a following throughout the Arab world, inspiring "Nasserist" political parties dedicated to Arab unity. Many saw Nasser as the leader of the Arab world, representing a new, defiant era in Arabic politics.
Nasser's policies became associated with Pan-Arabism, which promoted aggressive action by Arab states to confront the "imperialist" West, and urged that the resources of the Arab states should be used for the benefit of the Arab people and not the West. In a 1967 speech, Nasser declared, "We can achieve much by Arab action, which is a main part of our battle. We must develop and build our countries to face the challenge of our enemies."
In 1958, Syrian military and civilian leaders requested a merger of Syria and Egypt. Somewhat surprised by the sudden request and unsure as to whether the time was ripe, Nasser nevertheless agreed and the United Arab Republic came into being. Many saw it as the first step towards the establishment of a pan-Arab state. Attempts were also made to include Yemen. However, the UAR was not a success; In Syria, Egyptian bureaucrats and officers were seen as acting dictatorially, and the rapidly expanded secret police harshly repressed opposition groups including the Muslim Brotherhood and the Syrian Communist Party. Meanwhile, the Syrian bourgeoisie did not gain the access to Egyptian markets that it had hoped for. Discontent among the Syrian bourgeoisie and officer corps led to secessionists taking control in Damascus, and the UAR was dissolved in 1961, although Egypt continued to use the name until 1971. Egyptian intervention in Yemen involved the UAR in a bloody civil war in that country.

Yemen War and Six Day War
Nasser had wanted a regime change in Yemen since 1957. Seeing an opportunity, he finally put his desires into motion in January 1962 by giving the Free Yemen Movement office space, financial support, and radio air time. Nasser saw opportunities in Yemen to settle a score with the Saudi royal family, who Nasser felt had undermined his union with Syria. Ambassador Ahmed Abu-Zeid, who served as Egypt's ambassador to Royalist Yemen from 1957 to 1961, warned Egyptian officials in Cairo that the Yemeni tribes were difficult and had no sense of loyalty or nationalism. The Ambassador was against sending Egyptian combat forces, arguing that only money and equipment be sent to the Yemeni Free Officers. Abu Zeid warned that the Saudis would flood Yemen with money to combat Egyptian presence and turn the revolution in Saudi Arabia's favor. Nasser refused Abu-Zeid's ideas and was adamant about the need to protect the Arab nationalist movement in Yemen with Egyptian military force.
Nasser was convinced that a regiment of Egyptian Special Forces and a wing of fighter-bombers would be able to secure the Yemeni Republican coup d'état. Within three months of sending troops to Yemen, Nasser realized that this would require a larger commitment than anticipated. By early 1963, he would begin a four-year quest to extricate Egyptian forces from Yemen, using an unsuccessful face-saving mechanism, only to find himself committing more troops. A little less than 5,000 troops were sent in October 1962. Two months later, Egypt had 15,000 regular troops deployed. By late 1963, the number was increased to 36,000; and in late 1964, the number rose to 50,000 Egyptian troops in Yemen. Late 1965 represented the high-water mark of Egyptian troop commitment in Yemen at 55,000 troops, which were divided into 13 infantry regiments of one artillery division, one tank division and several Special Forces as well as paratroop regiments. Egypt paid a very high price in the Yemen war and the Egyptian army sustained high losses during this war.
On May 12, 1967 the Russians provided Nasser fabricated intelligence concerning an Israeli buildup for an imminent attack on Syria.[41] Nasser responded by sending Egyptian troops into the de-militarized Sinai buffer area beginning May 14.[41] He then demanded that the United Nations Emergency Force evacuate the Sinai, a request with which UN Secretary-General U Thant complied on May 16. On May 23, he closed the Straits of Tiran, through which Israel had gained access after the 1956 war, to Israeli shipping, blockading the Israeli port of Eilat at the northern end of the Gulf of Aqaba, Israel's only access to the Indian Ocean. The closure was considered by Israel to be a casus belli.
Israel responded to the closing of the Straits and remilitarization of Sinai with what it termed a pre-emptive attack, thus initiating the Six Day War. The first wave of attacks by the Israeli air force destroyed most of the Egyptian (and other allied Arab) air forces on the ground. A withdrawal order was issued by the defense minister Abdel Hakim Amer which was a disaster to the Egyptian troops. Most of the Egyptian losses were during this withdrawal. The loss in the Six Day War was one of the most disastrous political blows in Egyptian history and a humiliation to the leaders and people of Egypt.

Resignation and aftermath
The humiliating defeat in the Six-Day War was so devastating that it compelled a domestic political reaction. On the evening of June 9, 1967 Nasser's resignation statement was broadcast live on Egyptian television and radio, in which Nasser declared that he was leaving the office of president to his then vice president Zakaria Mohieddin.
"I have taken a decision with which I need your help. I have decided to withdraw totally and for good from any official post or political role, and to return to the ranks of the masses, performing my duty in their midst, like any other citizen. This is a time for action, not grief.... My whole heart is with you, and let your hearts be with me. May God be with us – hope, light and guidance in our hearts."
No sooner was the statement broadcast, however, than millions were pouring into the streets in mass demonstrations not only in Egypt but in streets across the Arab World. Their rejection of Abdel-Nasser's speech was expressed in a battle cry: "We shall fight". As a consequence, Nasser led Egypt through the War of Attrition in 1969-1970.
In 1969, after a group of reformers and critics of the regime’s authoritarianism won an election for the board of the Egyptian Judges' Club, the direct challenge posed by the vocal judicial leadership proved intolerable to the Nasser regime. Nasser responded with a series of measures subsequently referred to as the “massacre of the judiciary,” including the dismissal of over a hundred sitting judges [5].

Death and funeral
Nasser died of a heart attack on September 28, 1970 at the conclusion of a meeting in Cairo of leaders of Arab countries regarding Israel[42] and of the Black September in Jordan. He suffered from hemochromatosis, or Bronze diabetes, a hereditary disease related to excessive iron in the body.
Because of his ability to motivate nationalistic passions, as a testament to what one would call the future of his influence, "men, women and children wept and wailed in the streets"[43] after hearing of his death. His funeral on October 1 was one of the largest in history, attended by an estimated seven million people, and was described as "the people's procession." The six-mile (10 km) procession to his burial site began at the Revolutionary Command Council with MIG-21 jet fighters flying overhead. Emotions, which included telecasters crying on the air, boiled over in the 40-degrees C heat as millions swarmed the soldiers who were carrying the coffin, leading to the death of about 48 Egyptians as well as many other Arabs. Vice President Anwar Sadat, who had been interim President following Nasser's death, was officially selected to succeed him on October 5.

Legacy

Nasserism
Nasser's legacy is much debated even today in the Arab World. For many people, he was a leader who reformed his country and re-established Arab pride both inside and outside it. Thus, many argue that Nasser freed Egypt from European domination and reformed its economy through his agrarian reform, projects such as the Aswan High Dam, and his moves towards greater government economic involvement. But others see his administration as one of forceful militarism that led Egypt to grave defeats and losses rather than peace and prosperity. In addition, Nasser's suppression of the political opposition and the massive expansion of the police and security apparatuses left a legacy of political repression exploited by his successors until the present. Nasser's role in the Six Day War, which led to tremendous losses for the Arab states, tarnished his legacy and reduced his power in the Arab World. In the last years of his rule, Nasser came to rely increasingly on aid from the Soviet Union.
On the other hand, Nasser's role in modernizing Egypt's education system - making education freely available to the poorer masses, and his avid support of the arts, such as the theater, the film and music industries, as well as literature, is seen as having a positive impact on Egypt and the Arab World as a whole.
Nasser inspired many Arab leaders and nationalists such as Muammar al-Gaddafi of Libya, and Ahmed Ben Bella of Algeria and George Habash of the Arab Nationalist Movement.

Aswan Dam
One of the most controversial of Nasser's achievements is the creation of the Aswan Dam and the eponymous lake in southern Egypt. Built to provide electricity for heavy industry and reduce the risk of flooding along the Nile River, the dam submerged most of Nubia's archeological remains (except the ones saved by UNESCO). It also created major ecological problems. The lake's huge surface lets a significant part of the Nile's water evaporate in vain, while the dam prevents sediment from enriching the delta soil. According to some agronomists, the Nile valley's agricultural productivity subsequently decreased. Still, the dam helped provide electric power to Egypt's then growing economy, and was essential in modernizing rural Egypt through the introduction of electricity. The dam also spared Egypt from many floods that plagued the countries through which the Nile flowed.

Family

Nasser was married to Tahia Kazem (born 1920), the daughter of a humble clerk of Iranian origin. They had five children (three sons and two daughters): Khalid, Abdel Hakeem, Abdel Hameed, Hoda and Mona.[44]
The couple's eldest daughter, Hoda Abd El Nasser, became a researcher in politics and a professor of Political Science in Cairo University. With her help, various rare documents have been gathered, documented and displayed at Bibliotheca Alexandrina as well as on the internet. [2] Mona, the couple's other daughter, was married to Egyptian billionaire Ashraf Marwan until his death in 2007. Ashraf had long been suspected of being involved in military sales and espionage as either a spy for Israel or as a double agent. However, he was seen being greeted warmly by current Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak in 2004, while attending Gamal Mubarak's wedding in 2007 and was hailed as a national hero by Mubarak after Marwan's death. Ashraf Marwan's son, Ahmed, was married to Hania Moussa, daughter of Amr Moussa, Egypt's former Minister of Foreign Affairs and current Secretary-General of the Arab League.

Honors
Honorary Citizen of Belgrade - 1956 [45]
Hero of the Soviet Union

References
[1] Abdel-Malekh, Anouar. Egypt: Military Society. New York: Random House, 1968.
[2] “Aswan High Dam”. Encyclopaedia of the Orient. 1996-2006. 25 March 2005 <http://lexicorient.com/e.o/aswandam.htm>
[3] Copeland, Miles. The Game of Nations. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1969.
[4] Heikal, Mohamed. The Cairo Documents: The Inside Story of Nasser and His Relationship with World Leaders, Rebels, and Statesmen. New York: Doubleday, 1973.
[5] Egypt’s Judges Step Forward <http://www.carnegieendowment.org/files/PO17.borwn.FINAL.pdf>
[6] Nutting, Anthony. Nasser. New York: E.P. Dutton, 1972.
[7] Stephens, Robert Henry. Nasser; A Political Biography. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1972.

Notes
^ "Encyclopedia of World Biography on Gamal Abdel Nasser accessdate=2008-08-26". http://www.bookrags.com/biography/gamal-abdel-nasser/.
^ Aburish, Said K. (2004). Nasser, the Last Arab. New York: St. Martin's Press. pp. 7–14. ISBN 0-312-28683.
^ a b Aburish, Said K. (2004). Nasser, the Last Arab. New York: St. Martin's Press. pp. 15–16. ISBN 0-312-28683.
^ (Stephens, p. 29-31)
^ (Stephens 32)
^ (Stephens 31-4)
^ (Nutting 16)
^ (Stephens 50-4)
^ (Nutting 20)
^ (Stephens 63)
^ (67)
^ (Heikal 17)
^ (Heikal 18)
^ (Nutting 36-7)
^ (Stephens 108)
^ (Nutting 38-9)
^ (Stephens 114)
^ (Stephens 123-4)
^ (Nutting 60)
^ (60-1)
^ (Stephens 125)
^ (Nutting 61-3)
^ (Stephens 129)
^ (128-9)
^ a b greekworks
^ (Copeland 214)
^ a b (“Aswan High Dam”)
^ (Stephens 299)
^ (Russian) Heroes of the Soviet Union
^ (Malek 363-5)
^ Aburish, Nasser the Last Arab 2004 pp. 78-120
^ (Nutting 69-71)
^ (Stephens 143)
^ (Nutting 118)
^ (Stephens 170)
^ (Nutting 140-1)
^ a b (Malek 107)
^ (Heikal 91)
^ (Heikal 103-4)
^ (105)
^ a b Ginor, Isabella, "[http://meria.idc.ac.il/journal/2003/issue3/jv7n3a3.html The Cold War's Longest Cover-up: How and why the USSR Instigated the 1967 WAR]", Middle East Review of International Affairs
^ (Nutting 475)
^ (Nutting 476)
^ Aburish, 2004 pp. 313-320
^ Đilas podržao predlog

Writings
President Nasser authored several books during his life.
"Gamal Abdel Nasser Memoires on the 1948 Palestine war" (published 1955)
"Towards freedom" (published 1959)
"Egypt's Liberation The Philosophy of the Revolution" (published 1955) link:http://nasser.bibalex.org/nasserBooks/BookView.aspx?BID=1 (Arabic)

External links
Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Gamal Abdel Nasser
Wikiquote has a collection of quotations related to: Gamal Abdel Nasser
Wikisource has original works written by or about:
Gamal Abdel Nasser
Video Clip analysing why Nasser ordered UN out of Sinai in 1967
Video Clip analysing unintended consequences of Nasser's action
Nasser's Challenge by Professor Martin Gilbert
(Arabic) http://www.nasser.org/
Video of scenes in Nasser's life